Here’s a 500-word summary of Matt Simons’ talk on “Merrie England Once More’? The Morris Revival c.1886-1951”, organised by the Morris Federation on 3 April 2021.

Matt Simons’ talk explored the history of the Morris Revival from the late 19th century to the mid-20th century, focusing on the tensions surrounding authenticity, tradition, and the idealised vision of “Merrie England.” He traced how antiquarianism, folklore studies, and pageantry fuelled the rediscovery and reinvention of Morris dancing, leading to key debates and conflicts that shaped the Revival.

The Revival’s origins in the 1880s coincided with a growing interest in England’s rural past, driven by antiquarians who sought to document and reimagine traditional customs. Early Revivalists, such as Percy Manning and Darcy Ferris, were instrumental in attempting to reconstruct Morris dancing from surviving fragments, but their approaches differed. Ferris, a romantic showman, promoted a heavily stylised version based on Shakespearean nostalgia, while Manning prioritised a more scholarly approach, working with surviving dancers.

The most famous—and contentious—figures in the Revival were Mary Neal and Cecil Sharp. Neal, a social reformer, introduced Morris dancing to young working-class women at her Esperance Club, taught by William Kimber of Headington Quarry. This popularised the dance and spread it nationally, supported by clergymen and educators. Sharp, initially interested only in collecting tunes, later became the dominant authority on Morris dance, developing a structured teaching method and emphasising technical precision.

Tensions between Neal and Sharp escalated over questions of authenticity. Neal believed in direct transmission from traditional dancers, whereas Sharp argued that expert instruction was needed to refine and preserve the “true” style. Their conflict deepened when Sharp aligned with the English Folk Dance Society (later EFDSS) in 1911, sidelining Neal’s Esperance Guild. The divide was also influenced by social and political differences—Neal supported women’s suffrage, while Sharp was wary of the movement.

During the interwar period, the Morris Revival became increasingly institutionalised, with male dancers forming exclusive clubs such as the Cambridge Morris Men and later the Morris Ring (established in 1934). Figures like Rolf Gardiner sought a more radical, spiritual connection to Morris, rejecting Sharp’s formal approach in favour of a freer, more organic style. However, his nationalist leanings and interest in German folk movements distanced him from the mainstream Revival.

The 1920s and 1930s saw efforts to increase male participation in Morris dancing, leading to the rise of men-only clubs that emphasised camaraderie and traditional masculinity. Women’s Morris declined during this period, as the Folk Dance and Song Society focused on country dance and delegated Morris dancing to the male-led Morris Ring.

By the time of the Festival of Britain in 1951, Morris dancing was firmly associated with a romanticised, nostalgic vision of England. The festival showcased Morris as part of a broader celebration of national identity, reinforcing its image as an old tradition rooted in an imagined past. Despite these efforts, public participation in Morris remained limited, and the women’s Morris Revival would not gain momentum again until the 1960s and 70s.

Simons concluded that the Morris Revival was never a straightforward return to an unbroken tradition but rather a constantly evolving negotiation of identity, authenticity, and heritage—an ongoing process still relevant today.